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LAND REFORM IN SOUTH KOREA
By Hsinhua, War Correspondent
Wundang
(a sub-county north of Seoul), August 14 -
Millions of peasants in South Korea are putting
the great Land Reform Programme into effect under
the machine-guns and bombs of the Americans -
with their ears tuned to catch the first whisper
of a plane. These people know that the war is
to decide who shall own their land and they are
determined to own it themselves.
They
meet after nightfall, with only the stars for
light. In every other village, on any night, you
find a mass of seated figures clad in white, sitting
in the darkness, with someone arguing the merits
of this piece of land and why this or that family
should have it. They are discussing the proposals
put forward by their elected peasants and rural
workers committee, and when agreement is general,
the land is allotted, title deeds issued and old
debts wiped out.
For
the peasants, land hunger is the most urgent thing,
before which they cannot be intimidated by bombs
or rockets. Pak Hungwun is typical of the poor
peasants of Wundang. He has never owned a shred
of land in his life and was never able to rent
more than half a hectare, from which he could
usually rely on a crop of 24 bags of rice weighing
60 kilogrammes each - or the equivalent.
Of
this, he had to pay 14 bags in rent and three
bags in taxes, leaving seven bags to keep his
wife and two children in a normally good season.
This has been his life of drudgery and near starvation
and of his parents before him. Now, at the age
of 35, he will own one hectare under the land
reform, with no rent to pay and lighter taxation.
"I shall be well-to-do," he said. "I
would rather lose my life than go back to the
past."
Like
the other peasants, Pak has been busy many nights
since the war began, on reconstruction work, road
and bridge repair and transport. He has volunteered
for the army, but they are taking younger men
first, so he must wait.
This
land reform is the last of three in the past five
years. Two other 'land reforms' were forced by
the peasants themselves by mass actions which
the landlords and Syngman Rhee could not entirely
withstand and which they, therefore, attempted
to divert. After the defeat of the Japanese, the
democratic upheaval of the peasants was so powerful
that the landlords began to sell their land and
otherwise dispose of it to the peasants. Later,
when the influence of the land reform in the north
led to widespread peasants struggles in the south,
Syngman Rhee tried to divert the peasants by carrying
out a fake land reform, under which the peasants
bought their land in a 15-year spread-over. Both
of these reforms left most of the peasants and
landless farm workers where they stood and only
benefited, as was intended, the more well-to-do
sections on the land.
The
present land reform is relatively simple, and
is a process of readjustment in which the poor
peasants and farm workers will get their share
of land. The land of landlords owning more than
five hectares of land is confiscated and distributed
by the peasants' organisations. If a landlord
family wishes to work on the land, it receives
a normal share, but this applies in very few cases
- most landlords are absentees and not devoted
to the land or to work.
In
Wundang, it works out like this: the population
is 7,200, and there are about 1,100 peasant families.
The total cultivated land is 1,300 hectares and
the land available for distribution is 670 hectares,
nearly all formerly owned by absentee landlords.
There are seven villages in the sub-county and
these serve as the basis for distribution. After
the land reform, the average holding will be a
little more than one hectare. Families formerly
having more land will still retain a bit more
than the average. The details vary according to
local conditions, but justice in the allocation
of the land is ensured by the method of division
by the peasants' own elected organs.
This
great land reform is following fast on the heels
of the people's army as it advances south. In
Wundang, the village people's committees were
elected, by a show of hands, on July 25. Two days
later, representatives of the village committees
elected the sub-county people's committee. Both
the chairman and vice-chairman of the people's
committee of the sub-county were born of poor
peasants and have long records of struggle against
the Japanese and later the Americans and their
puppets.
Already,
the peasants and rural workers' committees have
made their proposals and these have been approved
by mass meetings of the villagers and ratified
by the sub-county people's committee. The land
reform here and throughout this whole region is,
therefore, complete except for minor details,
although the area was liberated less than six
weeks ago. This is sufficient comment on the mass
strength of the movement.
And
this strength is backing the war effort to a man.
As Li Se-hun, a labourer who formerly had to keep
his wife and child on four sacks of rice a year,
told me: "Now we have the land and we shall
fight to the last man to keep it. American air
raids and the American army or any other army
will not be able to take it away from us."
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